Confused about the manic swings of today's global economy? You should be.
Over the past 15 years or so, the mix of advancing technology and more
open
markets has wrought a revolution in world finance, trade and production.
Even
for experts supposed to be guiding us through all this, the complexities
quickly
turn baffling. Just ask Alan Greenspan, chairman of the Federal Reserve,
whose job is to manage the U.S. money supply, and whose single most
illuminating remark in recent times may well have been that, "in the current
state of our knowledge, money demand has become too difficult to predict."
True enough. Capital now flows around the globe on
a scale trillions of dollars beyond anything possible just
a generation back. Demand for funds is more than
ever a moving target. The U.S. booms, setting
records for stocks and job creation. Meanwhile, in a
welter of competitive devaluations and wrecked
financial institutions, much of Asia seems poised to
fall back into the abyss. Japan has gone from
Juggernaut Inc. to the world's biggest rotten bank
system. Gold is turning into dross, plunging more than
30% against the dollar since 1996. And for every pair
of economists there are the usual three opinions over
whether gold's drop portends world deflation or just
cheaper jewelry.
Great Depression
It would all be a touch less bothersome were there fewer parallels to events
preceding the Great Depression of the 1930s. That remains an episode about
which there is much smart theorizing but as yet no sure understanding--except
that clearly it was an experience the world does not wish to repeat.
So who, or what, is keeping us all safe? If there is one man most in charge
of
the course the world's economy now steers, it is arguably Mr. Greenspan.
Whether or not he knows how to predict the demand for money, he is at least
the single best-placed person in the world to influence supply. Standing
athwart the dollar, Mr. Greenspan's mission as head of the Fed is to manage
the U.S. money supply--via open market sales and purchases of U.S.
Treasury bonds--so as to maximize the long-run sustainable growth of the
U.S. economy. The core of that task involves providing for a predictable,
and
preferably steady, value of the world's single most vital financial instrument,
the dollar.
And so it's the world, not just the U.S., that will be looking anxiously
to Mr.
Greenspan this Tuesday, when he next chairs a meeting of the Fed's Open
Market Committee--to debate the appropriate price, or interest rate, for
the
dollar. The goal of providing a stable dollar has become increasingly important
not just to the U.S. economy, but to world commerce--which, like any market,
craves certainty about the rules of the game. Businessmen everywhere seek
a stable currency in which to get their work done. As the world's reserve
currency, the dollar serves as the vital store of value abroad and the
main
medium for loans and deals across borders. So it would be some comfort
to
think that Mr. Greenspan knows just what he's doing.
Except, as Mr. Greenspan himself admits, he's got less and less of a clue.
Not that he doesn't offer some instructive ideas about the larger scene.
As
Asia's crisis has rolled on these past few months, Mr. Greenspan has
delivered a wealth of talks and testimony on matters that do lend themselves
to clear comprehension. He has rightly outlined the need for better
governance in Asia. Looking ahead, he has praised the promise of new
technologies.
What Mr. Greenspan hasn't done, however, is tell us what the world most
needs to hear him say. He has not explained what rule, or set of rules,
or even
what magic incantation the Fed is now following in trying to manage the
value
of the dollar.
That sidestep is no accident. By Mr. Greenspan's own account, the
Fed--while trying to provide some maximum degree of certainty about the
dollar--is following no particular rule at all. In a speech Sept. 5 at
Stanford
University, Mr. Greenspan gave his most detailed confession of this
dilemma. Increasingly since 1982, said Mr. Greenspan, "we have found that
very often historical regularities have been disrupted by unanticipated
change,
especially in technologies." He went on to explain that in this fast-changing
era, he could find no clear rule that would amply guide policy decisions
about
the money supply. So, said Mr. Greenspan, "policymaking, seeing no
alternative, turned more eclectic and discretionary."
Noting that "the current monetary policy regime is far from ideal," Mr.
Greenspan went on to list and discard assorted policy rules, such as a
gold
standard, various fixed rules about growth of the monetary base, and rules
anchored to output and prices. He concluded that price stability, though
vital to
maximizing economic growth, is hard to measure and getting harder: "The
simple notion of price has turned decidedly complex."
To illustrate his problem, Mr.Greenspan turned to one of the more complex
subjects that economists have begun to re-examine: labor productivity.
By
lights of the old Phillips Curve model for economies, high levels of
employment carry the danger of inflation. In today's U.S. economy,
unemployment has for some years been falling toward the recent low of
4.6%. The Phillips model says this should have produced rising inflation--and
that ought to suggest the Fed should tighten interest rates. Instead,all
the signs
are that for some time now, inflation in the U.S. has been falling.
This can be squared if productivity, output per worker, is rapidly rising,
instead
of staying stagnant as it has since the early 1970s. Begging the question
of
whether the Phillips Curve makes sense in any case, low unemployment
would not causes prices to rise if workers are producing more output. But
this
raises the issue of what exactly we are talking about when we calculate
productivity.
The simplest notion of productivity involves sheer quantity of output,
such as
tons of steel. But it is also possible to become more productive by making
goods or providing services of higher quality--which is exactly the direction
in
which large parts of the U.S. economy have been evolving. In the early
1960s, economist George Stigler found big problems with government
calculations of productivity involving the steel industry. There were simply
too
many differing qualities of steel being lumped together under output.
With leaps in technology, such difficulties in figuring productivity have
ballooned beyond the scope of most standard government measuring
techniques. With the advent of everything from computers, to lasers to
sophisticated financial instruments and advances in medical techniques,
the
U.S. economy has begun producing a wealth of goods and services that are
either badly measured by official productivity statistics, or impossible
to
measure at all. For example, one product of an automatic teller machine
is
simply the time saved by bank customers who don't have to wait in line.
That
means a more productive economy, but becomes awfully hard to measure.
Harvard economist Zvi Griliches, who heads a project studying productivity
for the National Bureau of Economic Research, estimates that by 1994, the
productivity of some 74% of the U.S. economy had become simply impossible
to measure with any accuracy, up from 53% back in 1948.
Begging the question of whether the Phillips Curve makes sense in any case,
this phenomenon raises the issue of what exactly we are talking about when
we calculate productivity. The simplest notion of productivity involves
sheer
quantity of output, such as tons of steel. But it is also possible to become
more
productive by making goods or providing services of higher quality--which
is
exactly the direction in which large parts of the U.S. economy have been
evolving. With the advent of everything from computers to lasers to
sophisticated financial instruments, the U.S. economy has begun producing
a
wealth of goods and services that are either badly measured by official
productivity statistics, or impossible to measure at all. Harvard economist
Zvi
Griliches estimates that by 1994, the productivity of some 74% of the U.S.
economy had become impossible to measure with any accuracy, up from 53%
back in 1948.
Because official statistics still tend to focus on quantity, not quality,
the odds
are that they understate real productivity by a substantial margin. Similar
problems apply to measurements of inflation itself. This is done by comparing
baskets of goods across time. But devising techniques to compare, say
computers of yesteryear with those today, or pharmaceuticals of the 1980s
with the best of the 1990s, is a tall order that economists have just begun
to
really tackle. "How will we measure inflation in the future when our
data--using current techniques--could become increasingly less adequate
to
tracing price trends over time?" lamented Mr. Greenspan in his Stanford
speech.
Harder to Answer
The current economic crisis in Asia has made such questions all the more
pressing, even as it has also made them harder to answer. The falling price
of
gold--traditionally an indicator of the dollar's value--has left some analysts
wondering whether the U.S. is heading into a deflation. This would penalize
debtors and might help explain the buckling of heavily leveraged Asian
economies such as Thailand and South Korea. But in a world of swiftly
proliferating, ever more sophisticated financial instruments, there is
now a
school of thought that gold is falling simply because it has become for
investors a less interesting store of value than alternatives such as the
dollar
itself.
That sounds interesting, but what does it leave Mr. Greenspan to look to
as a
benchmark? A clear answer would be a help to the world, but maybe the best
we can hope for is that Mr. Greenspan--as he ponders such problems--might
start to share with a world at least as puzzled as he is, the details of
the Fed's
internal debates.
Ms. Rosett is a member of the Journal's editorial board.