Article 41 of 194
Board of Contributors:
Time to Privatize Social Security
By Martin Feldstein
03/08/96
The Wall Street Journal
Page A10
(Copyright (c) 1996, Dow Jones & Company, Inc.)
The rapidly deteriorating financial condition of the Social Security
system means that the program cannot continue as it is today. The Social
Security actuaries warn that maintaining the currently promised benefits
will require raising the payroll tax rate over the next 30 years to 18%
from today's 12.4% rate, with a risk that it may have to be
substantially higher. Even if real wages were to rise a full 1% a year
faster than the actuaries assume, the trust fund will run out unless
there is a large increase in the tax rate or cut in benefits.
The fundamental cause of Social Security's problem is that it
operates on a pay-as-you-go basis with benefits financed by current
taxes. This pay-as-you-go method is in sharp contrast to the way that
private pensions and 401(k) plans finance benefits with the earnings of
investment funds. Although the Social Security system has been
accumulating a small temporary trust fund since the early 1980s -- to
help pay benefits to baby boomer retirees after the year 2012 -- all
benefits are still being paid out of current taxes. The accumulated
value of the fund is less than 10% of the system's future obligations
and, according to the Social Security actuaries, it will be exhausted by
about the year 2020.
During the 60 years since it began, the Social Security tax has risen
to a combined rate on employers and workers of 12.4% from just 2%. That
six-fold increase in the tax rate, and the unusually rapid rise in labor
force participation, has permitted the Social Security system to pay out
much more in benefits to retirees than those retirees had paid in taxes
during their working years. Social Security is therefore a wonderful
deal for those who got in on the ground floor when the tax rate was low,
and who have already retired or will soon retire. The double-digit rates
of return that they have earned on their Social Security taxes has given
the program enormous political support.
But the days of a high implicit rate of return in an unfunded Social
Security program are gone forever. For younger employees today, and for
those who will enter the work force in the future, the Social Security
program is an enormously inefficient way to provide for retirement.
Social Security tax rates will have to rise in the future just to
balance the aging of the population and the increasing number of
retirees relative to those who are working. Tax rate increases will not
produce high rates of return for future retirees.
If Social Security continues to operate on an unfunded pay-as-you-go
basis, the implicit return that individuals will get on their Social
Security taxes will be limited to the rate of increase in tax revenues
that results from rising incomes and an increasing size of the
population. On average, that's likely to mean an implicit return of only
about 2.5%, far less than previous generations of Social Security
participants enjoyed.
So the fundamental problem of the Social Security program goes beyond
its financial crisis. The real problem with Social Security today is the
low implicit return that individuals receive on the dollars that they
pay into the system. That cannot be changed by raising taxes or lowering
benefits. It's inherent in the unfunded pay-as-you-go character of the
current Social Security program.
In contrast to the 2.5% implicit return on Social Security taxes,
funds that are channeled through stocks and bonds into investments in
real plant and equipment have earned a real pretax return of more than
9% over the past three decades. Shifting from the current unfunded
system to a funded program with individual retirement accounts or 401(k)
plans would permit employees to earn that higher rate of return.
A wide range of countries around the world have already responded to
this potential gain and switched from unfunded pay-as-you-go social
security programs to funded privatized systems. Although these systems
differ in detail, the common characteristic is the requirement that
employers and employees contribute funds to individual accounts that the
employees can then invest in mutual funds or other financial assets. In
the official report of the U.S. Advisory Council on Social Security that
will soon be released, the idea of privatizing Social Security in the
U.S. will be recommended by a substantial minority of the council
members.
Privatizing Social Security would cut required contributions
dramatically. With the substantially higher rate of return in such a
funded individual Social Security account, employees could accumulate
the same retirement benefits that are now promised by the Social
Security program with a much smaller sacrifice during their working
years.
To get a sense of how big this difference would be, think about a
50-year-old employee who earns $40,000 a year. With a 12.4% tax rate, he
and his employer now pay $4,960 in Social Security taxes. With the
Social Security rate of return of 2.5%, that $4,960 would grow to $9,195
when he is 75 years old. In contrast, in a privatized Social Security
account that earns a 9% rate of return, accumulating that $9,195 would
require saving only $1,066.
More generally, the retirement annuity that requires a 12.4% payroll
tax rate in an unfunded Social Security program could be financed by
annual contributions that are only one-fifth as large if they are
invested in a funded account that earns a real return of 9%.
By shifting to a privatized funded system, the mandatory Social
Security contribution could be cut by nearly 80% without a reduction in
retirement benefits. For someone earning $40,000 a year, a funded
program would thus mean the equivalent of a tax cut of more than $4,000
a year. That tax cut would be possible because of the difference between
the 9% return on a real investment in plant and equipment and the much
lower return that a pay-as-you-go system can provide.
The tax cut would not only mean more money in each individual's
pocket to spend or to save but would also mean a lower marginal tax
rate. Since only one-fifth of the 12.4% current payroll tax would be
needed to finance the retirement benefits with a privatized Social
Security account, the remaining 10 percentage points of the current
payroll tax are now a true tax for which the individual gets nothing
back. Shifting to a privatized system would therefore cut the
individual's effective marginal tax rate by 10 percentage points. For
someone who earns $40,000 a year, that would mean a cut in the combined
marginal federal income and payroll tax rate to only 15% from an
effective 25% today.
Lowering the marginal tax rate in this way would strengthen the
incentive to work and would reduce the distorted incentive to take
compensation in a variety of fringe benefits and other untaxed forms
rather than in spendable cash. The existing tax distortions reduce the
efficiency of the economy and lower real national income. The reduction
in these distortions that would result from lowering the marginal
payroll tax rate would be equivalent to adding about $50 billion a year
to national income, a gain of nearly 2% of the total wages now subject
to Social Security taxes.
There can be no doubt that the long-run gain from shifting to a
privatized system would be enormous: cutting each individual's cost of
providing for retirement by 80% and cutting the total federal marginal
tax rate of most employees almost in half.
We cannot achieve these benefits of a privatized system overnight.
During the transition to a completely private and funded system, the
government must continue to pay benefits to existing retirees while new
funds are accumulated and invested through the individual accounts.
There are a variety of ways in which this transition to a such a fully
privatized system could be managed and financed. None of them need
disrupt economic activity or financial markets. The specific combination
of changes in government debt, taxes and benefits will determine how
rapidly the transition in made and which groups are the winners and
losers during the transition. Fortunately, the big difference between
the return on real investment and the implicit return on Social Security
taxes implies that the cost during the transition need not be large.
The fundamental reform of Social Security has been politically
impossible as long as it looked like Social Security was financially
sound and was capable of continuing to provide a high implicit return on
payroll taxes. But the opposite is now clear. The financial problems of
the program will force substantial change. And the poor return that any
unfunded program can offer will provide the political support for a
shift to a privatized funded program.
There is no more important long-term issue facing the American
economy. And there is no better time to start the transition than now.
---
Mr. Feldstein , a former chairman of the President's Council of
Economic Advisers, is a professor of economics at Harvard.
(See related letter: "Letters to the Editor: Beware Privatizing Of
Social Security" -- WSJ April 8, 1996)